Red State Radicalism: What does a VA Republican proposal teach us about social justice organizing?

by: John Cranston

Wed Jan 18, 2012 at 19:12 PM EST

Virginia to establish a state-owned bank

Last week a Republican state legislator introduced a bill that would move the State of Virginia towards establishing a publicly-owned bank. Other state legislatures are also considering the idea.

The theory behind the proposal is that a state-owned bank would continue to extend credit even in economic downturns, in marked contrast to the behavior of private banks during the current recession. While a traditional bank is responsible ultimately to its shareholders, who demand maximum private returns, a publicly-owned bank would be responsible ultimately to the voting public.

What's so radical about Virginia's proposal?

Without considering whether Virginia's proposal is a good or bad idea, let us admit that it is certainly a radical proposal. From the 19th century, a central radical critique of bourgeois society has been that, despite the extension of universal suffrage (in a highly restricted and formalized iteration), the capitalist economy has remained profoundly undemocratic.

Among other offenses against democracy, capitalism leaves some of the most important decisions a society can make—the decisions of where to invest that society's accumulated economic surplus—in the hands of a small number of private capitalists. Radicals have long cried foul over the condition where, We, the People do not get to decide whether, for example, our society's pharmaceutical industry will focus on producing life-saving drugs, like tuberculosis treatments, or blockbuster lifestyle drugs, like Viagara. Maximizing returns for private shareholders, of course, dictates the latter. And under our current economic system that settles the matter.  

BREAKING: Keystone XL Denied!

by: Joshua Kahn Russell

Wed Jan 18, 2012 at 13:51 PM EST

Occupy & Space

by: Astra Taylor

Mon Dec 19, 2011 at 10:51 AM EST

Even before Liberty Plaza was raided many of us were asking what was next for Occupy Wall Street. The movement, we said, was about more than holding a space, even one in the heart of Manhattan's financial district. Occupation, I often heard, was a means, not an end, a tactic, not a target. The goal, from the beginning, was to do more than build an outdoor urban commune supported by donations solicited over the Internet. We wanted to discomfit the one percent, to interrupt their good times and impact their pocketbooks—or overthrow them entirely.

The dual threat of eviction and inclement weather meant next steps were never far from people's minds. The camp can't last forever, we'd say knowingly, while friends nodded in agreement. And yet, when the raid actually happened—when Bloomberg sent one thousand police officers dressed in riot gear, and paramilitary helicopters hovered overhead, when the entire encampment was hauled off to the garbage dump and half-asleep occupiers were dragged to jail—it was a shock. Circling the police barricades that night many of the faces I passed in the street looked stunned; some individuals crumpled on the sidewalk and wept. The loss of Liberty Plaza was experienced as just that—a real loss, a possibly profound one. By dawn photos began to circulate of the park, freshly power-washed, empty and gleaming, almost as though we had never been there, though the police ringing the periphery and the newly installed private security guards gave us away.

A Love Letter to the Overcommitted

by: Cheyenna Weber

Fri Dec 16, 2011 at 10:19 AM EST

Still Winning: Occupy Wall Street & the World We Want

by: Yotam Marom

Tue Nov 22, 2011 at 17:46 PM EST

A Brief Account: The Growth and Repression of OWS

Occupy Wall Street celebrated its two-month anniversary by taking the streets of New York City in a full day of mass direct action. We celebrated the hundreds of occupations that have sprung up across the country and around the world. We celebrated the hundreds of thousands who have participated by marching, carrying out civil disobedience, and putting their bodies in motion. We celebrated the millions of people across the globe united in their willingness to join this movement in whatever ways they can. We celebrated in the many thousands in cities all around the world.

At the same time, much of the status quo goes on. New austerity measures are being passed right under our noses, the homeless remain without homes and the jobless without jobs, the wars carried out in our name continue, wealth goes on being concentrated further and further into a few hands at the expense of the many. And in the face of this movement rising in opposition, the state and capital have responded with violence both physical and ideological, intended to suppress demoralize us — camps being cleared out by riot police, organizers targeted for arrest, teeth and noses broken, kids and grandmothers pepper-sprayed.

It's only a drop in the bucket in comparison to the violence experienced in marginalized communities or at the hands of American imperialism, but it represents a critical moment in the development of this movement. It is not a coincidence. We are being taken seriously. Maybe we should be flattered.

The Power of the People to Stand and be Counted

by: Michael Premo

Mon Nov 21, 2011 at 17:51 PM EST

Occupy Wall Street has captivated the global imagination. It began with the literal occupation of the heart of global capital, and, just as the arteries and veins of the system stretch to every part of our lives, so must our occupation. Liberty Square is just the beginning. We need a Liberty Square in every neighborhood in America for things to change! And by a Liberty Square in every hood, we mean strategic occupations that fundamentally challenge existing structures of power and create a forum for the community to address its own concerns, free from the corruption of exclusionary economics and elite government systems.

I reject the notion that this is a leaderless movement, because i know that the opposite is true. In the so-called West, we are socialized to play our position, marginalized to lanes of professional specialization, as if we are only as good as our job. But in this movement we are all leaders, no longer defined merely by our education, "profession", the things we can buy, or our contribution to the economy. This idea is given its greatest expression through the assembly process. The process of friends, neighbors and members of our broader community coming together in public space to engage in meaningful dialogue about the issues that matter most to us; this is what democracy looks like.

The Tactic of Occupation & the Movement of the 99%

by: Jonathan Matthew Smucker

Thu Nov 10, 2011 at 04:04 AM EST

If we are to launch from a moment to a movement, we will have to broaden the "us". We must win in the arena of values, and not allow ourselves to be narrowly defined by our tactics.

A month and a half ago a few hundred New Yorkers set up an encampment at the doorstep of Wall Street. Since then, Occupy Wall Street has become a national and even international symbol — with similarly styled occupations popping up in cities and towns across America and around the world. A growing popular movement has fundamentally altered the national narrative about our economy, our democracy, and our future.

Americans are talking about the consolidation of wealth and power in our society, and the stranglehold that the top 1% have on our political system. More and more Americans are seeing the crises of our economy and our democracy as systemic problems, that require collective action to remedy. More and more Americans are identifying as part of the 99%, and saying "enough!" This moment may be nothing short of America rediscovering the strength we hold when we come together as citizens to take action to address crises that impact us all.

Occupation as tactic

It behooves us to examine why this particular tactic of physical occupation struck such a nerve with so many Americans and became a powerful catalyzing symbol.

On some level we have to separate the reasons for this broad resonance from some things the physical occupation has meant to the dedicated people occupying on the ground. Within Liberty Square there is a thriving civic space, with ongoing dialogues and debates, a public library, a kitchen, live music, General Assemblies, more meetings than you can imagine, and all sorts of activities. In this sense, occupation is more than just a tactic. Many participants are consciously prefiguring the kind of society they want to live in.

But it is also a tactic. A tactic is basically an action taken with the intention of achieving a particular goal, or at least moving toward it. In long-term struggle, a tactic is better understood as one move among many in an epic game of chess (with the caveat that the powerful and the challengers are in no sense evenly matched). A successful tactic is one that sets us up to eventually achieve gains that we are presently not positioned to win. As Brazilian educator Paulo Freire asked, "What can we do today so that tomorrow we can do what we are unable to do today?"

By this definition, the tactic of physical occupation in the case of Occupy Wall Street has been enormously successful already. We have, at least for a moment, subverted the hegemonic conservative narrative about our economy and our democracy with a different moral narrative about social justice and real democratic participation. We are significantly better positioned than before to make bold demands, as we can now credibly claim that our values are popular—even that they are common sense—and connected to a social base.

How to pitch news outlets to cover your action

by: Jonathan Matthew Smucker

Mon Nov 07, 2011 at 07:00 AM EST

To pitch a reporter or assignment editor about an action or event you're planning is to call them up—typically after sending them a news release—and attempt to persuade them that they should come out (or send a reporter) and cover what you're doing. A good pitch call is at least as important as sending a good news release. With a call, unlike a news release, you are creating a memory of a human-to-human interaction. It's your opportunity to make a strong impression so that when the reporter or editor goes into their morning or afternoon meeting—where they're deciding which stories to cover—they are more likely to advocate for covering your event.

Reporters and editors are busy people. They often sound as if they are unhappy that you reached them by phone, and sometimes you'll be lucky to get a full minute of their time. An effective pitch call makes a strong impression within the first five seconds, and makes at least the start of a compelling case within ten seconds.

For comparison, here's an example of an ineffective pitch call:

Hi. My name is [name]. I'm calling about an event that we're organizing. The event will be here in Manhattan. We'll be having a march. It's part of Occupy Wall Street. Veterans will be joining the protest today.

Hi, I'm [name], calling on behalf of 'Veterans of the 99%'. Tomorrow, military veterans dressed in uniform will march in-step from the Vietnam Memorial in lower Manhattan to the Stock Exchange. Then they'll join Occupy Wall Street — where they'll use a "people's mic" to talk about why, as veterans, they are participants in the 99% movement. Did you receive our press release?

Facilitating in the Occupy Movement

by: Holly Hammond

Tue Nov 01, 2011 at 16:29 PM EDT

Occupy Melbourne General Assembly, October 15 2011.

It's hard to believe it's only been a fortnight since Occupy Melbourne first kicked off. On the 15th October, as part of a global day of action in solidarity with Occupy Wall Street, Occupy Melbourne started at City Square. People gathered, working groups met, workshops were held, information stalls, a library, and a functioning kitchen were set up. Multiple tents went up and estimates of 100 - 150 people camped out. Less than a week later, under the direction of the Lord Mayor, police moved in and 'evicted' the occupiers.

Of course, that's not the end of it. Occupy Melbourne, like similar occupations around the world, continues. The form of the actual 'occupation' changes, but a commitment to direct democracy is constant.

Many people are having their first taste of direct democracy and 'consensus building' through the General Assembly at Occupy Melbourne. People completely new to facilitation are stepping up to try it out. Experienced facilitators are being challenged by a different process, large groups, and a fair amount of chaos! A lot of learning is going on, in a dynamic and at times very difficult context.

I've been a part of the facilitation team at two general assemblies, observed others, attended some facilitation working groups, shared my thoughts on the email list, and recently ran a facilitation training for ten folks involved in Occupy Melbourne. Here are some notes on what I think contributes to effective facilitation at general assembly meetings.

Radicals & the 99%: Righteous Few or Moral Majority?

by: Jonathan Matthew Smucker

Tue Nov 01, 2011 at 09:18 AM EDT

They're not 100% wrong about us being radicals. Young radicals played pivotal roles in initiating Occupy Wall Street. And radicals continue to pour an enormous amount of time, energy, creativity, and strategic thinking into this burgeoning movement.

What our opponents are wrong about is the equation of radical with fringe. The word radical literally means going to the root of something. Establishment forces use the label radical interchangeably with the disparaging label extremist. But clearly the radicals did something right here. They've flipped the script by framing the top one percent as the real extremists — as the people who are truly out of touch. By striking at the root of the problem and naming the primary culprit in our economic and democratic crises — by creating a defiant symbol on Wall Street's doorstep — a new generation of young radicals has struck a chord with mainstream America. A movement that started as an audacious act by a committed band of radicals is growing broader and more diverse by the day.

Radicals will continue to play a crucial role in this movement. Throughout history the "radicals" have tended to be among those who give the most of their time and energy to movements for change. They tend to make up a large part of the movement's core. As such, their contributions are absolutely indispensible.

However, successful movements need a lot more than a radical core. For every core participant who gives nearly everything of herself or himself, you need at least a hundred people in the next tier of participation — folks who are contributing something, while balancing other commitments in their lives. If we are to effectively challenge the most powerful institutions in the world, we will need the active involvement of hundreds of thousands, if not millions, of people — folks who are willing to give something. If the core fails to involve a big enough "next tier" of participants, it will certainly fail to effectively engage the broader society. These "next tier" participants are not even the base, but rather the start of the base needed to accomplish our aims.